Funny bubble football report

This a academic report, maybe very boring for you, have fun and enjoy!

less invasive strategies are available that have varying degrees of impact depending on the stratification of degen- erative chondropenia or osteoarthritis (Figure 4). These Zorb football

suggestions can permit an active lifestyle and have, given the prevalence of the disease, a public health impact as a quality of life enhancement.

Due to the significant impact of articular cartilage injury and degeneration for the player, the ultimate goal for FIFA and the ICRS is a prevention paradigm: prevention of the injury, whether acute or overuse, and prevention of chon- dropenia and osteoarthritis and the progression over time. Injury prevention has been a major focus of FIFA and F-MARC through development of the Prevent Injury and Enhance Performance (PEP) program and the evolution to the FIFA 11+ program. The PEP program was designed to reduce ACL injuries, and several studies including a level I randomized control trial have documented significant reductions when this program is successfully utilized as a warm up.22 The evolution to the FIFA 11+ program now includes focus on not only the knee but also muscle, groin, and ankle injury. Significant reductions in severe, overuse, and knee injuries have been demonstrated in large con- trolled trials.23 Therefore, injury reduction is not only pos- sible, but it also can and should be a reality and part of any football program. These programs are time efficient, easy to do, and are free of expense!

The natural course progression is that articular cartilage defects are to become osteoarthritis over time. The next step in the FIFA/ICRS initiative is how to prevent this progres- sion. Drs. Zaslav, McAdams, Scopp, Theosadakis, Mahajan, and Gobbi evaluate new frontiers for cartilage repair and protection.24 Although recent treatments for damage to articular cartilage have been successful in alleviating symp- toms, more durable and complete, long-term articular sur- face restoration remains the unattained. This hopeful and futuristic approach looks at both new ways to prevent dam- age to articular surfaces as well as new techniques to re-create biomechanically sound and biochemically true articular surfaces once an athlete injures this surface. This “holy grail” objective should be to produce hyaline carti- lage with a well-integrated and flexible subchondral base and the normal zonal variability. Newer surgical techniques, some already in clinical study, and others on the horizon offer opportunities to improve the surgical Bubble Football restoration of the hyaline matrix often disrupted in athletic injury. These include new scaffolds, single-stage cell techniques, engi- neered allogeneic tissues, the use of mesenchymal stem cells, and gene therapies.

The last step of the prevention paradigm is to prevent the progression of osteoarthritis severity over time. There are a number of nonoperative interventions that have shown early promise in mitigating cartilage symptoms and in pre- clinical studies have shown evidence for potential disease modification, chondrofacilitation, and chondroprotection. These include the use of glucosamine, chondroitin, and other neutraceuticals, viscosupplementation with hyal- uronic acid, platelet-rich plasma, and pulsed electromag- netic fields.

In summary, this supplement provides a compact refer- ence for players, coaches, medical staff, and researchers working with football (soccer) players. It intends to act as a catalyst for the advancement of science and education of cartilage injury in football and the development of innova- tive treatment concepts and prevention strategies that help to further reduce the incidence of cartilage injury and risk of osteoarthritis in football players of all ages and skill levels. The approach to the athlete always uses the “spectrum of care” systematic paradigm: prevention, performance, injury care, rehabilitation, restoration and return to sport, preven- tion of reinjury and osteoarthritis, and keeping the aging athlete healthy through exercise. The main objective of the FIFA and ICRS collaboration is to identify the scope of these problems and develop multidisciplinary solutions with the major goal of prevention for now and the future. Also FIFA / F-MARC took the initiative and sponcored a Professorship bubble football uk “Cartilage Engeneering” at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH ZH) to stimulate the basic research which again could contribute to prevention and and maybe as a vision to regenerate cartilage damadge in vivo to shorten the time of rehabilitation and “return to play”. It was Einstein who said, “It is the intelligent that can solve prob- lems but the genius will prevent them.” It is with this spirit that we thank FIFA and its president, Mr. Joseph S. Blatter, the ICRS and its president, Professor Daniel Saris, and all the authors for their timely and impactful contributions, all of which make the game of football a better game! Play on!

reported cases in the English bubble football

bubble football

They would be classed as a “guest” and subsequently cannot contribute to any dis- cussion taking place. Those that have registered predominantly use pseudonyms to protect their anonymity and although Millward (2009) found that some users actually know each other, in the majority of cases, only the moderators would know more of their identity through the need for a name (potentially a fake one) and an email address as part of the registration process.5 Not surprisingly, the often hidden nature of those engaging in online discourse across a number of social media platforms can be prob- lematic. One particular element is the bubble football increasing opportunity for the promotion of “hate speech” that can center on, for example, racism, homophobia, disability, and sexism, as well as the availability of cyber bullying and the transmission of child porn at the click of a button (Butler, 1997; Rivers, 2011; Shariff & Hoff, 2007).

Although the presence of racism within the culture of bubble football has been a feature of scholarly work (see, for example, Back et al., 2001; Burdsey, 2007, 2011; Cleland & Cashmore, 2013; Garland & Rowe, 2001; King, 2004; Ruddock, 2005), limited atten- tion has been paid to how race and racism are discussed on online football fan message boards. As King (2004) points out, the academic literature has primarily focused on racism existing inside stadia and on-the-field, but the advent of social media has opened up new opportunities to examine racism being communicated through other, less overt, channels. According to Clavio (2008), message boards provide an opportu- nity to observe, record, and analyze “live” discourse and its subtle and explicit mes- sages in an unobtrusive way. One of the first sport scholars to examine this was Millward (2008), who assessed the message board reaction toward Middlesbrough’s Muslim player, Mido, after he had played in a Premier League fixture against their local rivals, Newcastle United. The findings of Millward’s study concurred with those raised by Cleland and Cashmore (2013) and Sallaz (2010), who argue that racism is never static and social media has allowed old racial schemata to be broadcast in new social settings anonymously via smart phones and computers.6

In referring to the widely reported cases of racism in the English bubble football since the end of 2011, Carrington (2012, p. 965) challenges bubble football uk  scholars to examine bubble football the “particular importance of sports to the ways in which ideas about race circulate through social structures and mediate social relations.” In their 2013 article on 2,500 fans’ views toward the continued presence of racism in English football, Cleland and Cashmore state how 80% of fans feel that social media allows for racist thoughts to be commu- nicated in ways that were not available 20 years ago. Outside of Millward’s (2008) analysis of online discourse surrounding Mido, very little academic attention has been given to examining racist discussions taking place on online message boards. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to present the attitudes, opinions, and views of those bubble football fans actively involved in two prominent online English fan message boards toward the existence of racism in English football. By doing this, it provided an opportunity to examine for evidence of individual prejudices and the extent to which these views were supported or contested by fellow posters. Indeed, after analyzing more than 500 posts, the article shall argue that the presence of racism on the two chosen message boards reveals a deep, essentialist view of national belonging and identity that is primarily centered on whiteness and the rejection of multiculturalism.

http://www.bubblefootballshop.co.uk/ 

A case study on the current relationship between English national identity, soccer and the English press

After being paid £24 million in the last four years, you might have thought Fabio Capello might have learned the language. But he couldn’t even do that. Though he did have enough grasp of the swear words to sit yelling at his players from the bench in South Africa. (Howard, 2012: 66)

Other newspapers also shared similar  bubble soccer sentiments, for example: ‘In press conferences, Capello was curt, high-handed and sometimes incoherent. His English never advanced beyond first base’ (Hayward, 2012: 54). Others reporters went a step further by claim- ing that Capello somehow emitted ‘something that felt like a downright refusal to com- prehend a single thing about English footballing culture’ (Barnes, 2012: 76). Others cited Capello’s failure to comprehend English footballers with vague statements such as: ‘It became apparent that he did not really understand the English players at all’ (Lawrenson, 2012: 66). Yet, few, if any writers were able to express just exactly what Capello failed to understand about the culture of English football or footballers them- selves, beyond the obvious language difficulties. This was apparent across a range of newspapers, for instance: ‘Any mourning [following Capello’s resignation] will be brief. His flaws were obvious. He failed to grasp fully either the English language or bubble football the unique psychology of the English professional’ (Winter, 2012: 53). Another similar example stated:

Capello took it on as a kind of retirement job and you could see that his heart was never in it. He never got the hang of English footballing culture, and for that matter, he never got the hang of the English language. (Barnes, 2012: 76)

Finally, and equally as revealing, were the attempts made by members of the English press to downplay Capello’s relatively long list of achievements with non-English clubs and to celebrate Redknapp’s one and only major trophy with an English club in a 29-year managerial career – winning the FA Cup (the longest standing cup competition in soccer) in 2008 during his second time in charge of Portsmouth Football Club. In comparison, Capello has won Italy’s top soccer division ‘Serie A’ with AC Milan, Roma and Juventus. He has also won Spain’s ‘La Liga’ with Real Madrid and he won the European Cup with AC Milan. Perhaps more revealing still is that fact that Capello is actually the most suc- cessful English manager in history, guiding the national team to 28 wins, eight draws and six losses – a 66.7% success rate according to Smith (2012: 55). Despite such statistics, many newspaper reporters chose to dub Harry Redknapp ‘the most successful English manager of modern times’ (Collins, 2012: 7). His recent successes at Tottenham Hotspur were also frequently mentioned in order to justify his aptitude for the England Bubble ball soccer position, for example:

Improving Tottenham…to their current lofty position of third in the Premier League has underpinned his credentials. Not to mention steering Spurs to dramatic Champions League triumph over both Inter and AC Milan. (Lipton, 2012b: 68)

Some journalists openly admitted that that the success rates and past achievements actually had nothing to do with the argument for having Redknapp over Capello – it was

Downloaded from irs.sagepub.com at Shanghai Jiaotong University on December 30, 2014

Griggs and Gibbons 543

- See more at: http://www.bubblefootballshop.co.uk/a-case-study-on-the-current-relationship-between-english-national-identity-soccer-and-the-english-press/#sthash.FAQ8t0Nl.dpuf

The Lancashire bubble football uk

Although there is no published study exploring the relationship between the viewing of televised soccer and domestic abuse, there is a body of research that suggests this association could exist. Although commentators argue the complexity of domestic abuse requires a multifaceted explanation, attempts to explain it have generally fallen between individual and social–structural accounts (Robinson 2010). Individual or psychological explanations high- light the importance of personal factors, an example being ‘‘social learning theory’’ that argues specific behavior is determined through watching others. As commentators have argued, ‘‘Being a victim of physical abuse, or witnessing the abuse of other family bubble soccer members, teaches boys to become violent’’ (Bevan and Higgins 2002:225), and ‘‘the girl, seeing her mother as a victim of violence, chooses a violent partner and . . . becomes the victim’’ (Lockton and Ward 1997:29), thereby creating a cycle of violence (Fagan 2005). Other psychological explanations include mental health problems (which can also emanate from a difficult upbringing), posttrau- matic stress disorder, anxiety, depression, poor anger management, dissociation, frustration, and substance abuse.

Conversely, social–structural explanations, often created through feminist-led research, have focused on wider cultural factors, specifically the imbalance of power between males and females. In this way, violence is viewed as a symptom of wider situational concerns, being ‘‘ . . . . both a product and an expression (or ‘performance’) of socialisation,bubble football uk, and acculturation into narrow and persisting values of ‘being a man’, and into a society underpinned by asymmetrical power relations’’ (Thurston and Beynon 1995:181). ‘‘Lashing out at their partner can therefore be used to endorse impressions of masculinity or serve as a cathartic release to feelings of male inadequacy generated through social problems such as unemployment, poverty, or everyday stresses’’ (Agnew 1985:151). Indeed, an increase in domestic abuse has been associated with periods of high unemployment (Lockton and Ward 1997:28) and The Lancashire bubble football uk  recession (Morris and O’ Grady 2009).

Turning more specifically toward soccer, the game has experienced a long cultural association with both violence and masculinity. Carnibella et al. (1996) have pointed out that general acts of violence have been asso- ciated with the game since its origins in thirteenth-century England and observed across much of Europe; specifically England, Italy, the Nether- lands, Germany, Spain, France, Czech Republic, Greece, and Albania. In fact, Quigg, Hughes, and Bellis (2012) found the 2010 world cup tourna- ment was associated with a 37.5 percent rise in admission rates across 15 hospital emergency departments on England match days. There also appears a similar phenomenon with American football; Rees and Schnepel (2009) found increased reports of assault, vandalism, and arrests for disor- derly conduct and alcohol-related offences while monitoring six seasons of college football. Similar to domestic abuse, commentators argue there is no universal explanation for football-associated violence explaining different reasons exist, dependent on country and situation. However, such explana- tions again generally follow individual and sociocultural explanations. For example, studies have suggested that testosterone levels increase in individ- uals when watching football matches, a chemical associated with an upsurge in aggression, causing Bernhardt et al. (1998:59) to observe that fans identify with team success or failure as their own. Further, Swain (2000:103) argued, ‘‘Football (soccer) is full of aggressive intent, about winners and losers, territorial, space-occupying domination, and where loyalty and commitment to the side are prized values.’’

Although no prior study has associated soccer with domestic violence, this correlation has already been established with American Football. Card and Dahl (2011) found that home-based male-on-female partner violence increased by 10 percent following a televised upset loss, experienced by their home National Football League team. This behavior was concentrated at the end of the game and became more pronounced for the most important matches. Other situational factors have also been associated with interper- sonal conflict. Television influences both attitude and behavior not only because of the content but because it generates changes in interpersonal interaction (Dahl and DellaVigna 2009). Gantz, Wang, and Bradley (2006) established that program preference disputes between husbands and wives are greatest when watching televised sports. Similarly, in the United Kingdom, there has been a move to Zorb football Suits Shop display soccer games on large screens in public bars bringing individuals together in confined social spaces. Finally, alcohol is a commonly observed factor associated with both football violence and domestic abuse. The risk of partner violence is ‘‘often increased by excessive drinking and poorly managed emotions’’ (Baron 2010), a finding supported by Gayford (1975:196) who, surveying 100 domestic violence victims articulated a picture, ‘‘… of men with low frustration tolerance, who often completely lose control under the influence of alcohol.’’ Indeed, one study highlighted alcohol consumption as a con- tributory factor in 36 percent of domestic abuse cases (Lockton and Ward 1997:28).

These facilitators play a significant role in theories that enhance the importance of context when understanding and reducing crime. Rational choice theory (Felson 2002), for example, argues crime Bubble Footballoccurs as a result of the normal rhythms of everyday life. In this way, commentators have established domestic violence occurs more frequently on weekends (Gantz et al. 2006; Vazquez, Stohr, and Purkiss 2005) and on exceptionally warm days and major holidays (Card and Dahl 2011). Although Oths and Robert- son (2007) reported no increase in women seeking refuge in ‘‘safe houses’’ during established ‘‘drinking holidays’’ (i.e., the U.S. Superbowl), the fact they were more likely to flee during extended school holidays makes it possible this decision making was more aligned to pragmatism than the level of incidents. What does appear clear is that situations have an effect on offending patterns and as new situations are generated they create the condi- tions for further offences to take place. Extending this view, it is possible to imagine how watching the world cup tournament (even remotely) in close proximity to others can heighten the stressors associated with domestic abuse.

- See more at: http://www.bubblefootballshop.co.uk/the-lancashire-bubble-football-uk/#sthash.NmpidSRw.dpuf